TV & Radio
毎日新聞 2006年1月13日 22時48分
毎日新聞 2006年1月13日 18時13分 （最終更新時間 1月13日 20時36分）
2006年 01月 13日 金曜日 19:38 JST
［ロンドン １２日 ロイター］ モーツァルト直筆の楽譜が１２日からインターネット上で公開されている。楽譜の実物写真が見られるほか、演奏されることの少ない作品などは、最初の数小節を聴くこともできるという。
Mozart's musical diary goes online
Thu Jan 12, 2006 9:40 AM ET
LONDON (Reuters) - A musical diary by Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart goes online on Thursday, allowing Internet users to browse handwritten pages from the composer's catalog and listen to the opening bars of rarely performed works.
The British Library in London has produced a digital version of 30 pages and 75 musical introductions from "Catalog of all my Works," which can be accessed on its Web site www.bl.uk/turningthepages.
The catalog includes many of Mozart's best-known works, including "The Marriage of Figaro" and "The Magic Flute," but also contains a "Little March in D," which the library said had been recorded for the first time for the site.
The original volume, acquired by the British Library from the heirs of the writer Stefan Zweig in 1986, details 145 works written by Mozart from February 1784 until his death in December 1791.
On the left-hand side of each page, Mozart entered five compositions and added information including when each was completed, its instrumentation, who commissioned the work and who first performed it.
The right-hand side of the page features the opening bars of each work. Users of the site can click on each of Mozart's compositions and listen to the opening bars performed by the Royal College of Music.
British Library Music Curator Rupert Ridgewell said the catalog provided a "unique insight into the creative mind of a genius at the height of his powers."
To celebrate the 250th anniversary of the maestro's birthday later this month, the library has also reunited two halves of a Mozart manuscript cut in half by his widow in 1835.
Constanze distributed ever-smaller portions of Mozart's manuscripts as a way of raising funds.
アリート氏、米最高裁判事就任に前進・上院委の質疑終了 (日本経済 2006/01/13)
New York Times Complete Coverage Supreme Court in Transition
Washington Post Special Reports Supreme Court
CNN.com Special Reports Change at the Supreme Court
Japanese Bill Paves a Princess' Path to Power
Run Date: 01/13/06
By Catherine Makino
Women eNews correspondent
A woman hasn't ascended to the Japanese throne since 1770, but a new bill could allow one to inherit the world's oldest monarchy. The prospect of an empress has riled the country's old guard and divided the imperial family.
TOKYO (WOMENSENEWS)--In a succession drama that is gripping Japan, 4-year-old Princess Aiko may become the country's first reigning empress since the 18th century, when Empress Go-Sakuramachi reigned from 1762 to 1770 in one of the rare interruptions in the male rule of the world's oldest monarchy.
Eight women have ascended Japan's Chrysanthemum Throne during its 2,000-year history. Japan had several female monarchs between the sixth and 18th centuries, but in each case succession subsequently reverted to the male line because the female rulers remained childless and the reign reverted to an unbroken line of males. The preference for male rulers was enshrined in a 1947 law that forbids women to ascend the throne and reserves it for men who have emperors on their father's side.
The discussion about the monarchy holds a special place in political debates in Japan. Since the Meiji Restoration of 1886, supporters as well as opponents to the throne have used it to define their respective positions and that of the nation. After Japan's defeat in 1945, the American occupation authorities compelled Japan to re-examine the relationship between the monarchy and the nation by imposing a constitution that stripped the emperor of his power and repositioned the institution as a symbol of national unity. But the monarchy in Japan remains significant as a political and cultural institution.
Mamiko Ueno, an author and professor of constitutional law at Chuo University in Tokyo, says a reigning empress would have a positive impact on the future of women in Japan, where there are 66 women in the Diet, representing just 9 percent of the seats.
"It would change Japan's attitudes about the role of women in society, since a female empress would become the symbolic leader of Japan," Ueno reasoned.
Male Heirs in Short Supply
The emperor's two sons are unlikely to produce male heirs. No males have been born to the imperial family since 1965. Crown Prince Naruhito, 45, and Crown Princess Masako, 42, have only one child, preschool-aged Princess Aiko. Naruhito's only brother and second in line to the throne, Prince Fumihito, is married to Kiko Kawashima and they have two daughters and no sons.
Princess Aiko is a popular figure in Japan and receives a lot of attention, but her mother, Crown Princess Masako, was not seen in public for the past 13 months and has only recently begun to reassume her official duties. The Harvard-educated former diplomat was diagnosed as suffering from an "adjustment disorder," according to the Imperial Household Agency, caused by the pressure to produce a male heir and 10 years of trying to adapt to life inside the imperial palace.
A 10-member government panel assembled by Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi will submit a bill to the Diet in March that recommends the current succession law be revised. They will propose that the emperor's firstborn child should be given priority in the line of succession, regardless of sex, paving Aiko's path to regal power.
A powerful group of conservative politicians, traditionalists and academics have vowed to fight the panel's proposal. They have aggressively lobbied politicians, held demonstrations and organized discussions in a bid to persuade the public that a woman at the head of the royal family could throw the country into an identity crisis.
"We want the public to know that we are in a dangerous situation in which Japan will no longer be Japan, and we would also like to appeal to politicians," says Keiichiro Kobori, a professor at the University of Tokyo who heads a group of academics and lawyers opposed to a female monarch. "If a female emperor were to marry a commoner, then there could be people who would try to take advantage of the system to fulfill their political ambitions."
Public Supports Female Ascension
The Japanese public is strongly in favor of allowing females to ascend the throne. In recent polls from Japanese newspapers, about 70 percent support the idea of a reigning empress when there are no sons born to the emperor. But the public shows less support when the first-born child is female, followed by sons. In that case, the public still favors the throne going to the male heir.
Kobori and others vow to influence the public's opinions about the issue.
Imperial family members have also joined the debate, even though they are not allowed to interfere in political issues. Prince Tomohito of Mikasa, a cousin of the emperor, is against any change in Japan's imperial system. He recently published essays explaining his opposition in Japanese newspapers.
"The reason why the imperial family line is so precious is due to the very fact that it has been, without exception, a male line. Allowing a female to reign would represent a break with history," Tomohito wrote.
Tsuneyasu Takeda, a descendant of a former imperial branch, agrees with Tomohito and plans to publish a book on the role of these families supporting the male-line succession.
Line Descends From Sun Goddess
Japanese myth says that the first emperor, who was a descendant of the sun goddess Amaterasu, reigned 2,665 years ago. Some conservatives say the emperor is the inheritor of the blood that has been preserved for thousands of years, and the chrysanthemum--"kiku" in Japanese--represents the emperor's coat of arms.
Some proponents of male succession have even suggested that concubines should be reintroduced into the royal court to increase the chances of conceiving a male heir. In the past, Japanese princes took concubines to satisfy their passions or to produce heirs, as the male bloodline was essential for maintaining the imperial system.
"I wholeheartedly support it," Tomohito wrote, referring to the concubine system. "But I think that the social mood inside and outside the country may make it a little difficult."
Japan's current Emperor Akihito seems to take a favorable view of female successors. On his 72nd birthday in December, he said in comments released by the Imperial Household Agency, "Female members have played major roles in the royal family up to now. I feel their presence brings some good elements such as warmth and encouragement to the people on both public and private occasions."
But he would not comment on the government panel, which supports the female imperial succession, as he is not allowed to interfere in political issues.
Catherine Makino is a freelance writer in Tokyo. She has written for the San Francisco Chronicle, the Japan Times, The Asian Wall Street Journal and the China Morning Post.
Women's eNews welcomes your comments. E-mail us at firstname.lastname@example.org.
For more information:
"In Japan, Women's Constitutional Rights Are in Peril":
The Imperial Household Agency:
Note: Women's eNews is not responsible for the content of external Internet sites and the contents of Web pages we link to may change without notice.
The New York Times
January 13, 2006
Pro-Choice Senators and Judge Alito
There are many reasons to be concerned about the nomination of Judge Samuel Alito Jr. for the Supreme Court, but for a small group of moderate Republicans who strongly identify themselves as supporters of abortion rights, there is a special problem: if Judge Alito gets to the court, there is every reason to believe that he will vote to overturn Roe v. Wade when the opportunity comes.
In 1985, when he was a 35-year-old government lawyer, Judge Alito stated that the Constitution did not protect abortion rights, and that he was "particularly proud" of his legal work arguing that the Constitution did not confer the right to an abortion. There is now ample evidence that he continues to hold that view.
He refused time and again in this week's hearings to call Roe "settled law." That's a giant red flag because he did say that the one-person-one-vote cases, which he denounced in the same 1985 memo - and many other decisions - are now settled law. In sharp contrast, as Senator Dianne Feinstein, Democrat of California, underscored, Chief Justice John Roberts Jr. said at his Supreme Court confirmation hearing last year that Roe was settled law.
There was a telling moment at the start of the Alito hearings when Senator Arlen Specter, the committee chairman, offered Judge Alito a way out. He asked whether Judge Alito believed, as some commentators do, that the Supreme Court's 1992 ruling in Planned Parenthood v. Casey, strongly reaffirming Roe, made Roe a "super-precedent" - and therefore rendered the judge's 1985 views obsolete.
But Judge Alito would not give Senator Specter, who supports abortion rights, even that small bit of comfort, saying he did not believe in super-precedents. All of that should make things hard for Senator Specter and for three moderate Republicans - Lincoln Chafee of Rhode Island, and Olympia Snowe and Susan Collins of Maine - who have said they will oppose any nominee committed to overturning Roe.
Judge Alito's assertions that he will keep an open mind on Roe are little comfort. With nearly 70 percent of Americans saying in a recent Harris poll that they would oppose Judge Alito's confirmation if they thought he would vote against constitutional protection for abortion rights, he was not likely to say at his hearings that he would do so. Few nominees would be so brave or foolhardy.
As a result, senators have to try to forecast the behavior of a nominee like Judge Alito, who comes with a clear record of opposition to abortion rights and strong support from the anti-abortion movement.
The single most important thing a senator can do to support abortion rights is to vote against Supreme Court nominees who would take such rights away. Given Judge Alito's record and his testimony, it is hard to see how Senators Specter, Chafee, Snowe and Collins - or any other pro-choice senators - can call themselves strong advocates of abortion rights if they support him.
January 13, 2006
Judge Alito, From Many Angles (6 Letters)
To the Editor:
Re "Judge Alito, in His Own Words" (editorial, Jan. 12):
I almost always agree with your editorial positions, but I disagree with your assessment of Judge Samuel A. Alito Jr.
I did not see a right-wing ideologue. Sure, I would prefer a more liberal candidate, but it is unrealistic to expect that this president would nominate someone completely to the liking of liberals. Under current political circumstances, it should be enough that Judge Alito is intellectually and judicially qualified.
His position on Roe v. Wade is the only one he can take in today's atmosphere, and I accept his pledge to give weight to precedent and keep an open mind. He has said that no one, not even the president, is above the law, and that should be acceptable.
His explanations about failing to recuse himself in the case involving Vanguard companies and about his relationship to the Concerned Alumni of Princeton, a conservative group, are plausible. We should not assume that he is lying.
No one can predict how Judge Alito will perform on the bench, but I take comfort in the fact that he is smart and experienced.
Deal, N.J., Jan. 12, 2006
To the Editor:
Judge Samuel A. Alito Jr. is very erudite on many issues concerning his record, but not on subjects that might indicate his true opinions.
He has excellent recall on many cases he has passed judgment on, but he cannot remember why he joined a conservative Princeton alumni group.
When questions are put to him that might indicate his direction on issues that concern the basic rights of the American people, he hedges. Judge Alito might be more dangerous on the Supreme Court than either Justice Antonin Scalia or Clarence Thomas.
Brisbane, Calif., Jan. 12, 2006
To the Editor:
I am a little too young to have known Judge Samuel A. Alito Jr. as an undergraduate at Princeton. (I graduated in 1976.) But I have no difficulty remembering the Concerned Alumni of Princeton, which he joined. Its members vehemently opposed the admission of anyone to Princeton who was not white, male, heterosexual; some opposed those who weren't Christian.
Any support CAP may have given the Reserve Officers Training Corps program was incidental. CAP's primary agenda was crystal clear.
Had Judge Alito joined the Communist Party in his youth, I do not think senators would be satisfied with a professed inability to recall it.
No one who joined CAP could have been unaware of its discriminatory platform. By joining, Judge Alito was endorsing it.
I would now like to know if and when he repudiated it. I would like proof.
Margaret B. Ruttenberg
Newton, Mass., Jan. 12, 2006
To the Editor:
"Judge Alito, in His Own Words" (editorial, Jan. 12) joins other critics in complaining that Judge Samuel A. Alito Jr. has tended to favor "big corporations" against "the 'little guy.' "
Could it be possible that in most of the cases Judge Alito heard, the law was on the side of the corporation? Would you really be more comfortable if he had instinctively backed the little guy, no matter what the facts of the case were?
The portrayal of large corporations as evil incarnate and of "little guys" as innocent victims may be sound leftist theology, but I would expect more of a Supreme Court justice.
Frederick Van Veen
Kennebunkport, Me., Jan. 12, 2006
To the Editor:
Re "O'Connor Casts a Long Shadow on the Nominee" (front page, Jan. 12): It appears that both sides of the political line are praising Justice Sandra Day O'Connor's tenure on the Supreme Court, agreeing that she should be the benchmark for the next Supreme Court justice.
However, there does not seem to be much discussion about the fact that Justice O'Connor has decided to retire during this administration, knowing full well the judicial agenda of the administration.
Shouldn't Justice O'Connor's action be enough to convince the Senate and the country that she has confidence in the president's choice to replace her? If she didn't, I would have expected her to delay her retirement, barring any further decline in her husband's health.
Andrew J. Csicsila
Chicago, Jan. 12, 2006
To the Editor:
"Fairness in the Alito Hearings" (editorial, Jan. 11) unjustly criticizes Senator Arlen Specter.
As Judiciary Committee chairman, Senator Specter has conducted the hearings in a way that creates a level playing field for the candidate.
Your editorial criticizes him for calling federal judges to testify. But the Code of Conduct for judges makes a specific allowance when "a judge's judicial experience provides special expertise in the area." And these judges, with no political agenda, are best suited to testify about Judge Alito's jurisprudence because of their familiarity with him.
There are precedents for such testimony. Former Chief Justice Warren E. Burger testified for Judge Robert H. Bork; District Judge Walter E. Craig testified for Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist; District Court Judge Jack Tanner testified for Justice Clarence Thomas.
In the context of criticizing senators from both parties for announcing how they would vote, Senator Specter urged senators to withhold judgment until hearing Judge Alito's testimony.
You are right to emphasize fairness. About the only thing Democrats and Republicans agree on is that Senator Specter has been fair in discharging his duties as chairman.
William H. Reynolds
Washington, Jan. 11, 2006
The writer is chief of staff for Senator Arlen Specter.
NY Times Editorial: Judge Alito, in His Own Words
Old vs. new clash over Japanese women
By SHIHOKO GOTO
UPI Senior Business Correspondent
WASHINGTON, Jan. 11 (UPI) -- As Japanese lawmakers prepare to debate later this month on whether or not to allow a woman to succeed the imperial throne, it is clear the issue goes far beyond simply allowing the only child of Crown Prince Naruhito and his wife, Masako, to be empress.
In fact, whether or not the Diet approves Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's push for a change in the imperial house law, which dictates only male heirs can ascend to the Chrysanthemum Throne, might well have longer-term consequences for how women are regarded in Japan.
But it's not just a legal battle that looms ahead. It is also a change in the mind-set of both men and women in the country that has only changed gradually and often begrudgingly over the past two decades.
Women and men are equal under Japanese law, and gender discrimination is illegal. Nevertheless, it is clear women have not played as prominent a role in Japan's economy or politics as they have elsewhere. For instance, only 11 percent of corporate management positions in the country were held by women in 2004, and while that was an improvement from 2001 when the rate was 8.3 percent, it still falls far short compared to other parts of the world. Meanwhile, fewer than one-third of mothers return to work after having children, with the majority returning to positions that are far lower than ones they previously held.
A government panel analyzing the issue for nearly a year presented its findings late last year and supported Koizumi's position. A November poll by the Asahi Shimbun showed 78 percent supported moves to change the law to allow for female sovereigns. Moreover, should lawmakers vote not to pass the legislation to allow the 4-year-old Princess Aiko to head the imperial family, then it would certainly not present a positive face for Japan in the international community, one Japanese diplomat acknowledged on condition of anonymity.
Still, others are focused more on preserving a tradition and keeping one of the world's oldest monarchies intact. Earlier this week, the cousin of Emperor Hirohito publicly criticized efforts by the government to allow women on the throne. Prince Tomohito of Mikasa is fifth in line to the throne, and he first voiced his opinions in a newsletter for the Imperial Household Agency late last year that is distributed solely to staff of the agency. He has since expanded his views and made them public by publishing his comments in this month's Bungei Shunju magazine, arguing the monarchy should look into alternatives to having a female heir, including allowing concubines and adoptions. No male heirs to the throne have been born over the past 40 years, as both sons of Emperor Akihito have only had girls.
"The question is whether it is a right thing to change the unique tradition and history so easily," Tomohito wrote.
Koizumi has been a staunch supporter of women in the workforce and taking on leadership roles, in addition to supporting Aiko's position, or at least he recognizes the political points he can win over the issue.
In the latest Lower House elections last fall, his ruling Liberal Democratic Party scored a landslide victory due in no small part due to Koizumi's proactive efforts to have high-profile women including academics and celebrities as well as fast-track bureaucrats to run for seats in liberal, urban areas.
Meanwhile, the prime minister also pushed through a bill earlier this month that would encourage more women to stay in the workforce and lure them back after they have children, including encouraging employers to offer more flexible hours, using more unused space to establish childcare centers, and encourage women to own their own businesses.
The last time a major government initiative was taken to ensure gender equality was in 1985, when the equal employment opportunity law was passed to ensure equal pay for men and women for the same work, and allowing women to apply for the same positions as men.
There is no doubt the law has been successful in allowing more women to take up jobs on the same footing as men. It has done little, however, to ensure women stay in the workforce once they get married and have children. While there are concerns Koizumi's latest proposition will not necessarily lead to more women trying to balance work and family, most agree it is a step in the right direction. And while Japan's royals may no longer affect the daily lives of most Japanese, if at all, giving the nod to Aiko as her father's successor will give the signal the country is moving to encourage women to be an integral part of society, even after they have children.
The New York Times
January 12, 2006
Men Chafe as Norway Ushers Women Into Boardroom
By RICHARD BERNSTEIN
OSLO, Jan. 8 - On the first day of this year - and in the teeth of strenuous opposition from many Norwegian businessmen - Norway's leftist government put into effect one of the more radical attempts to achieve sexual equality: requiring that in the next two years 40 percent of the board members of the nation's large, publicly traded private companies be women.
"The government's decision is to see to it that women will have a place where the power is, where leadership takes place in this society," Karita Bekkemellem, Norway's minister of children and equality, said in an interview here.
"This is very forceful affirmative action, but it will set an example for other centers of society," she said.
Ms. Bekkemellem, and other supporters of the law are pleased with some of the early results. Already in Norway, for example, databases have emerged where thousands of women looking for board positions have listed their names and qualifications, and any of the 519 private corporations affected can search for prospective board members.
Executive recruiting companies are said to be very busy meeting the demand for women with business experience. Already in the past couple of years, in anticipation of the law taking effect, the representation of women on corporate boards increased to 16 percent from roughly 8 percent.
But the fact that Norway's government felt it necessary to set a quota for women in the top ranks of business and to enforce it as a matter of law - the penalty for noncompliance is the disbandment of the offending corporation - reflects a fact of European life that goes well beyond Norway.
It is that the major countries of Europe are doing quite badly in promoting women to positions of power in business and, more generally, in achieving other sorts of diversity, especially racial and ethnic.
"Foreigners, women and minorities are almost completely excluded from the top of the business heap," Marta Dassü and Daniel Franklin wrote in an article that appeared in The Financial Times late last year, summarizing a study of 450 European companies by the Aspen Institute Italia with the Economist Intelligence Unit.
Not surprisingly, the study found that women and minorities "are making slow inroads" in Britain and Scandinavia, but "all the surveyed nations have a dismal number of nonwhite males in top executive roles, if any at all." Only 2 of the 75 British organizations surveyed are led by women, the study found. In all of the 450 companies, only one, Vodafone of Britain, was led by a member of an ethnic minority.
The situation seems paradoxical given other elements of the European picture. Half or more of university graduates are women in many countries, and women are increasingly visible in politics, the media and elsewhere in public life.
The paradox seems especially sharp in Germany, which late last year for the first time elected a woman as chancellor, Angela Merkel. About half of university graduates are women in Germany, one-third of the members of Parliament are women; one-third of the doctorates awarded go to women.
But among the top 30 companies of the German stock exchange, only one board member is a woman. She is Karin Dorrepaal, elected a year and a half ago to the board of Schering Group, the big drug company.
"Compared to other western European countries, Germany is in the rear guard of the emancipation," Alice Schwarzer, perhaps Germany's most prominent feminist commentator, wrote via e-mail. Even in areas where women appear to have made progress, like politics, the advance is more a matter of appearances than real power, she said.
"The women's representation of one-third in Parliament and in the cabinet has led to a situation where powerful politicians withdrew from democratic bodies and made their politics in their separate back rooms," she said, referring to the socialist-led coalition government of Chancellor Gerhard Schröder that governed for seven years before Mrs. Merkel took office.
"That's why the mere existence of a female chancellor, no matter what she does, will shake up all the existing structures," Ms. Schwarzer said.
If women are at least numerically well represented in such other areas of life as academia, television and politics, why not in business? Some 40 percent of the students at Norway's business schools are women. Why are so few women on corporate boards?
The Norwegian answer is clear: The men's club of corporate boards does not want to admit them. The law on sexual equality in business, adopted at the end of 2003 by the previous conservative government, was put into effect this year because voluntary measures to increase the representation of women in business failed, and some sort of legislative coercion was deemed necessary.
"Until recently, we didn't see any change," Elizabeth Grieg, director of a family-run shipping company, said in an interview. "It was all talk about women in business and very little movement."
But other European women deny that the problem for women is the glass ceiling or the men's club. In Germany, for example, Sonja Müller the managing director of Victress, an organization formed a year ago to help women get into business, argues that the business door is open but that women, looking for different, more balanced lives, have not been interested in entering.
"There's nothing that stops them except themselves," Ms. Müller said in an interview in her office in Berlin, where, in addition to Victress, she runs a profit-making consulting company. She was asked if Germany's new chancellor should make a special effort to put women into important positions.
"What I like about Mrs. Merkel is that she doesn't make being a female a topic," Ms. Müller said. "It would be horrible if she put lots of women into posts because they are women. That would be the opposite of gender equality."
In Norway, Trygve Hegnar, editor and owner of a business daily and a business biweekly, Kapital, is a leading opponent of the new law, arguing that requiring absolute equality seems nice as an abstraction but does not work in the real world. Moreover, he says, it is contrary to the principles of a free society to tell private businessmen whom they must put on their corporate boards.
"Ninety percent of the businessmen are against it," he said, "and most of the people in favor are politicians." Still, he said, businessmen will comply with the law, which means that about 700 board seats will go to women in the next two years, a large number for a country with a population of 4.5 million.
"They say it will be just as good," Mr. Hegnar said. "And maybe it's true. We haven't seen it yet."
禁断の米映画 賛否 男の象徴・カウボーイが同性愛 アカデミー賞最有力候補！？ (産経 2006/01/12)
（産経新聞） - 1月12日16時12分更新