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「モーツァルト年」知るきっかけは？――テレビが過半数（ネット１０００人調査） (日経産業 2006/06/09)
The New York Times
Will Same-Sex Marriage Collide With Religious Liberty?
By PETER STEINFELS
Published: June 10, 2006
Is same-sex marriage on a collision course with religious liberty? It wasn't surprising that before the constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage died in the Senate this week, several senators supporting it raised that danger.
But when highly respected legal experts on civil liberties, including ones favoring same-sex marriage, raise the same possibility, their concerns cannot be dismissed as partisan debating points.
Marc D. Stern, whose many years handling religious freedom cases for the American Jewish Congress have made him an expert in the area, can hardly be identified as a conservative agitator. Yet he firmly believes that legal recognition of same-sex marriage will make clashes with religious liberty "inevitable."
"No one seriously believes that clergy will be forced, or even asked, to perform marriages that are anathema to them," Mr. Stern has written. But for other individuals and institutions opposed on religious grounds to same-sex marriage, its legal acceptance would have "substantial impact."
He has in mind schools, health care centers, social service agencies, summer camps, homeless shelters, nursing homes, orphanages, retreat houses, community centers, athletic programs and private businesses or services that operate by religious standards, like kosher caterers and marriage counselors.
One example, which he did not anticipate when first undertaking his analysis, was the Boston Catholic Charities' decision to withdraw from providing adoption services because the state license required placing children with gay married couples on the same basis as heterosexual married couples.
Chai R. Feldblum, a professor at Georgetown University Law Center and a proponent of same-sex marriage, agrees that permitting gay couples equal access to civil marriage will inevitably burden the religious liberty of those religiously opposed.
Mr. Stern and Professor Feldblum were among the First Amendment scholars participating in a conference last December sponsored by the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty. The conference was first widely reported in a May 15 cover article by Maggie Gallagher in The Weekly Standard. Those conservative auspices could also feed the impression that these constitutional arguments were only a scare tactic by opponents of same-sex marriage.
The Becket papers themselves, however, do not confirm that impression. They are serious legal analyses. And, though virtually all the writers see same-sex marriage creating potential conflicts with the religious liberty of institutions and individuals rejecting such marriages on religious grounds, the writers by no means agree on how serious those conflicts are or how they might be resolved.
One of Ms. Gallagher's most interesting observations, in fact, is that the legal scholars opposed to same-sex marriage seemed more sanguine about overcoming potential conflicts than those, like Professor Feldblum or Jonathan Turley, a professor at George Washington Law School, who favor same-sex marriage, or those, like Mr. Stern, who simply feel that the culture is moving almost inexorably in that direction.
Needless to say, the legal arguments are intricate; that, after all, seems to be the definition of legal arguments. The lawyers are back and forth on whether continuing opposition to same-sex marriage, if it were recognized, might put a religiously affiliated institution at risk of losing its tax-exempt status, as Bob Jones University did for prohibiting interracial dating and marriage on the grounds that they were unbiblical.
Asked by a reporter for The Chicago Tribune whether a conservative Christian college would risk its tax-exempt status by refusing to admit a legally married gay couple to married-student housing, Cass Sunstein, a constitutional scholar at the University of Chicago Law School who had not been at the Becket conference, answered, "Sure — and if pigs had wings, they would fly." He dismissed the idea as a scenario "generated by advocacy groups trying to scare people."
But Professor Sunstein, as it happened, had been asked only about this specific question and not the whole range of the Becket papers' arguments, which he had not read. After quickly reading Professor Feldblum's paper and dipping into Mr. Stern's, he granted that they pointed to conflicts that were "real and serious."
Besides possible, even if remote, risks regarding tax exemption, the scholars' papers noted laws forbidding discrimination in hiring or toleration of a hostile workplace environment. They noted antidiscrimination provisions in many local or state laws licensing commercial enterprises and professional activities, as well as in the ethics codes of professional associations that have a role in accrediting professional schools, licensing professionals or resolving civil suits. And of course they noted the civil rights laws, federal, state and local, barring discrimination in places of public accommodation, housing and education.
Many of these laws contain exemptions for religious bodies or even for the personal moral beliefs of some professionals like doctors. A number of such exemptions arose in the wake of the legalization of abortion, and one paper at the Becket conference, by Robin Fretwell Wilson, a professor at the University of Maryland School of Law, reviews the lessons they might have for the legalization of same-sex marriage.
But Ms. Wilson and Mr. Stern make clear that such religious exemptions are not only under challenge by reproductive rights advocates in several states but also follow, in Mr. Stern's phrase, "a crazy quilt pattern," exempting different kinds of religious institutions from the provisions of different laws regarding different sorts of actions in different localities.
After one pushes through these legal thickets do any clear conclusions emerge? For Professor Sunstein, same-sex marriage does not raise qualitatively new issues so much as intensify existing tensions "between antidiscrimination norms and deeply held religious convictions."
For Professor Feldblum, the only honest position is to admit that "we are in a zero-sum game in terms of moral values." In her view, the dignity and equality of gay people should almost always outweigh considerations of religious freedom, though she believes that such freedom might weigh more heavily for religious institutions "geared just towards members of the faith" as opposed to those that interact broadly with the general public.
For Mr. Stern, "this is going to be a train wreck" — one that he believes can be avoided only if advocates on both sides renounce what he called "a winner take all" attitude.
And for just about anyone with political savvy, one conclusion is that a long series of court battles regarding same-sex marriage and religious freedom could be in the offing, with ample room, given the multiplicity of statutes and complexity of precedents, for unpredictable, inconsistent and controversial rulings.
Whatever the ultimate impact on religious freedom, then, won't the first great impact, as the debate in Congress showed, be on the political climate? "No question," Professor Sunstein said.
'Climate of hate' stalks former communist Europe's gays
by Karin Zeitvogel
Sat Jun 10, 3:48 PM ET
Gays in former communist eastern Europe live in a climate of hate and fear, subject to frequent verbal and physical attacks, rights activists said on the eve of a gay pride rally in the Polish capital.
"We are afraid. The situation is becoming dangerous," said Robert Biedron, an official from the Campaign Against Homophobia in Poland.
The Saturday rally, officially banned for the last two years though thousands defied the 2005 prohibitio, was given the go-ahead this year by Warsaw officials.
But the same day they approved a counter-demonstration along the same route by the openly homophobic Polish Youth, an offshoot of the far-right League of Polish Families (LPR).
Ironically, the Polish Youth called off its march at the 11th hour because of the football World Cup, but jitters remain.
The backdrop is a heavily Roman Catholic country where Prime Minister Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz has likened homosexuality to a disease whose spread must be stopped.
"If a person tries to contaminate others with their homosexuality, the state must intervene against any such obstacle to freedom," he said last year.
He contends "homosexuality is not natural. What is natural is the family, and the state is obliged to protect the family."
Biedron insists what he calls the "atmosphere of hate" in which Polish gays live has grown worse since the LPR joined Poland's coalition government last month.
"It reminds me of Germany in the 1920s," said Tomasz Baczkowski, president of the Equality Foundation which is organising Saturday's "Equality Parade."
In 1928, before it rose to power in Germany, the National Socialist party, or Nazis, castigated homosexuals as a threat to German survival.
"Therefore, we reject you (homosexuals), as we reject anything which hurts our people," said a party statement from the period.
During a state visit to Germany in March, Polish President Lech Kaczynski -- who as Warsaw mayor banned the 2004 and 2005 gay pride rallies -- shot back at a group of gay rights activists who were heckling him.
"I do not plan to persecute homosexuals or to hinder their careers. But there is no reason to encourage it because it would mean that mankind would slowly die out," he said.
Anecdotes abound, in Poland and elsewhere in the old Eastern bloc.
On Friday, the head of a teacher training school in Poland was sacked for publishing a brochure that the Education Ministry -- led by LPR leader Roman Giertych -- denounced as "encouraging contact with homosexual organisations."
LPR deputy Wojciech Wierzejski was recently quoted by the Warsaw-based Zycie Warszawy daily as saying of Saturday's rally: "If perverts take to demonstrating, they should be hit with sticks... If they're given a few blows with a stick, they won't come back. A gay is a coward by definition."
Wierzejski has denied making the comments.
When gay rights supporters in Poznan defied a ban by the city's conservative authorities to stage a "march for tolerance", they were pelted with eggs by far-right activists and denounced by the Catholic church as going "against natural law."
Many of formerly communist eastern Europe's anti-gay groups find support for their position in the church, which has regained a strong foothold in society since the demise of communism in the early 1990s.
Last week, ahead of a gay rights march in the Romanian capital, Bucharest, the powerful Orthodox Church and conservative groups slammed homosexuality as immoral and abnormal.
The 500 homosexuals who turned out for the Bucharest parade were insulted and hammered with eggs.
In Russia, a small group of gay activists who defied a ban on a rally in Moscow last month were met by neo-fascist skinheads -- alongside fundamentalists from the powerful Russian Orthodox church and other counter-protesters.
The Moscow gay parade had been banned by the city's mayor, saying homosexuals had no inherent right to promote their "immoral" sexual "deviations".
In the Baltic state of Latvia, a Soviet republic until 1991 and now a member of the EU, a court on Thursday rejected a claim by openly gay Lutheran Reverend Maris Sants that he was not given a job as religious history teacher because of his sexual orientation.
The Latvian Evangelical Lutheran Church, the largest in the Baltic state, excommunicated Sants in 2002 after he admitted his homosexuality.
"The democratization process in Latvia has allowed lesbians and gays to establish organizations and... bars, clubs, stores, libraries, etc. Unfortunately, however, our society has not reached a high level of tolerance, which clearly is a consequence of 50 years of totalitarianism," the International Lesbian and Gay Association (ILGA) has said.
In December, the Latvian parliament voted to bar same-sex marriages.
And in August last year, Latvian Catholic Cardinal Janis Pujats slammed the first-ever gay parade in the capital, Riga.
"In Soviet times we faced atheism, which oppressed religion; now we have an era of sexual atheism," Pujats said in a homily to mark the feast of the Assumption.
Last year's gay parade in Riga attracted only 50 participants, who were vastly outnumbered by several thousand mostly unsympathetic onlookers and a few violent counter-demonstrators.
"In other countries (gay) pride parades are a festivity, but here one should be afraid of abuse," said Juris Lavrikovs.
Thousands stage gay rights march in Poland
by Bernard Osser
Sat Jun 10, 2:51 PM ET
Thousands braved abuse from egg-throwing skinheads to stage an international rally in Warsaw for the rights of gays who complain of deep hostility in this overwhelmingly Catholic country.
Nearly 3,000 people by police estimates, 6,000 according to rally organizers, turned out for the colourful Equality Parade in which gay rights activists, some in drag, danced, waved and marched their way through the centre of the Polish capital.
They were surrounded by a contingent of some 2,000 officers, called in to prevent a repeat of last year's clashes with right-wing extremists.
Some 100 skinheads showed up this time to follow the paraders. They threw eggs at demonstrators, waved a banner with the slogan "Queers forbidden" and chanted "Use a hammer, then a sickle on the red rabble." Police prevented the skinheads from approaching marchers.
Warsaw police spokesman Mariusz Sokolowski said 14 skinheads, some of them carrying tear gas canisters, had been arrested. But despite tension before the rally, he added that as a whole the demonstration "took place very peacefully."
Locals in the rainbow-striped procession were joined by politicians and activists from elsewhere in Europe, including Germany, France, the Netherlands and Sweden.
Gay rights organizations say Polish homosexuals live in a climate of hatred and fear that has grown worse since the far-right League of Polish Families (LPR) party entered Poland's governing coalition last month.
Claudia Roth, head of Germany's Green Party, marched at the front of the parade alongside leading Polish gay rights activists.
They were accompanied by Renate Kuenast, Germany's former agriculture minister, and Volker Beck, a German Green deputy who was attacked on May 27 during a banned gay demonstration in Moscow.
"When democratic rights are attacked in a country, it's a matter for all Europeans," Beck told AFP.
"Our participation in this march is a friendly service, not hostile interference (in Polish affairs)," said Roth.
Kuenast, head of the German Green parliamentary group, said the Polish government should understand that "things don't function in Europe this way -- taking money from the EU, taking advantage (of EU membership) but not applying democratic principles."
Poland joined the European Union in May 2004, but attitudes towards gays here are far less tolerant than in most older members of the bloc.
At one stage in Saturday's demonstration, an elderly onlooker threw a disdainful glance at the paraders and said: "To the gas chambers with them."
"It's important for gay organisations from abroad to be here, so that the Polish right understands that Polish gays have support," Stephane Corbin, president of the French gay rights group Interpride, told AFP at the rally.
One of the banners carried by marchers read: "Discrimination, is that your tradition?" Other participants held a giant rainbow flag, the international symbol of gay pride activism.
A lorry with a banner saying "homophobia kills" plastered on its front carried dozens of paraders who danced and waved cheerfully to onlookers.
"It was a beautiful demonstration, joyful, multicoloured and multicultural," said Robert Biedron, one of the march organizers, at the end of the rally in the late afternoon.
The gay parade was banned in Warsaw in 2004 and 2005 by then mayor Lech Kaczynski, who was sworn in as president of Poland last December.
But last year, several thousand people defied Kaczynski's ban and marched through the capital, where they ran into sometimes violent opposition from the far right.
Like President Kaczynski, leading Polish politicians have not shied away from publicly voicing homo phobic opinions.
Conservative Prime Minister Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz has likened homosexuality to a disease whose spread must be stopped.
Last Updated: Saturday, 10 June 2006, 15:15 GMT 16:15 UK
Gay activists hold Warsaw rally
Thousands of people have taken part in a gay rights march in the Polish capital to protest against ongoing discrimination against homosexuals.
The march was given the go-ahead by Warsaw city officials after being banned for the last two years.
There was a heavy police presence at the rally which passed off peacefully and was also attended by politicians and international supporters.
Activists have accused the government of fuelling hostility towards them.
City officials had also given the green light to a counter-protest by a far-right youth movement called Polish Youth.
However, the group chose to cancel its march following an appeal by prominent right-wing politician Roman Giertych.
A group of some 100 skinheads threw eggs at the marchers, but were prevented from approaching them by police.
"Climate of fear"
Homosexuality is legal in Poland but the gay community faces an uphill battle for public acceptance.
"We do not agree to being pushed into a ghetto," Ania Kurowicka, a 21-year-old Warsaw University student told AP news agency.
"We do not want to be publicly called deviants, sick people or criminals. We don't want young people to think it is ok to throw stones at us because we are different."
Gay rights activists say homosexuals in former communist Eastern Europe live in a climate of fear and hatred and are frequently subjected to verbal and physical attacks.
An instructor at a teacher training center in Suginami, a ward in Tokyo. The center favors conservative values.
Graduates of the training center are guaranteed jobs as teachers.
The New York Times
Japan's Conservatives Push Prewar 'Virtues' in Schools
By NORIMITSU ONISHI
Published: June 11, 2006
TOKYO, June 10 — At a new center to train public school teachers here, an instructor warned 22 young Japanese against egotism and selfishness on a recent Sunday morning.
He exhorted them to be considerate of others, summing up what at times sounded like a sermon by saying that "this is the most important thing to teach children."
Later, the principal explained that the center's guiding philosophy was to recapture the "virtues" of prewar Japan — "what may have been lost during the 60 years of Japan's postwar education."
"Japan has become considerably self-centered, meritocratic and egotistic," said the principal, Kenji Tamiya, 72, a former Sony executive. "That's not to say that education alone is to blame. Our social system has many bad aspects. But education is part and parcel of that trend, and I think there's considerable soul-searching now all over Japan."
Indeed, the Japanese government is now moving toward revising the Fundamental Law of Education, which was drafted in 1947 during the American occupation to prevent a revival of prewar nationalism. The revision proposed by the governing Liberal Democratic Party would emphasize patriotism, tradition and morality, and hand greater control over schools to politicians.
The occupation-era law replaced the prewar Imperial Rescript on Education, which had instructed children to sacrifice themselves for the state and the emperor. Japanese conservatives have long argued that the 1947 law overemphasizes individual rights over the public good, and that it has contributed to everything from the erosion of communities to the rise in juvenile crime.
The focus on morality and patriotism is a reaction against educational policies that, since the early 1990's, encouraged creativity and individualism as part of an effort to make Japan more competitive in a global economy that rewards those qualities. Many politicians and parents now blame the focus on individualism, as well as the elimination of Saturday classes, for declining standards, test scores and discipline.
The trend is also in keeping with a larger conservative movement that has tried to reclaim prewar symbols and encourage the use of textbooks that play down Japan's militarist past. More broadly, a revision of the education law is regarded as a precursor to the more delicate task of changing the other legal document of the American occupation, the Peace Constitution, which was meant to keep Japan from repeating its past.
Japan's public schools have long been battlegrounds for bitter culture wars between liberal teachers and conservative politicians and bureaucrats. But in the past decade, the ascendancy of conservatives, coupled with the collapse of the left, has given conservative politicians greater power in reshaping education.
The strong hand of conservative politicians has been felt the most in Tokyo, where the rightist governor, Shintaro Ishihara, and other like-minded politicians have curbed the influence of liberal teachers. Education experts say the proposed revision of the 1947 law would spread the type of changes that have started here to the rest of the nation.
In Tokyo, in the past three years, the school board has punished teachers in 350 cases for being unpatriotic at school events. The teachers refused to sing the national anthem and stand before the national flag, both of which, to many here and abroad, are linked to Japan's former militarism.
In the city's high schools, the principal and teachers used to make school-related decisions together. But the board downgraded teachers to advisers in 1998, effectively leaving all decisions to the principals; two months ago, the board prohibited teachers from raising their hands in meetings to voice their opinions.
Yokichi Yokoyama, Tokyo's vice governor, said the notice was issued because some schools had resisted following the 1998 policy. "Through the postwar era, including the teachers' union movement, the authority of the principal had in fact been reduced to a shell," he said.
But critics say that the policy was intended to suppress the opinions of teachers, especially union members.
"What they're issuing is not just a ban on raising hands or taking votes, but a ban on discussion," said Mikiko Ikeda, a music teacher who has been reprimanded for refusing to play the national anthem at a school ceremony. "There are very few people who express their opinions now."
Critics say the changes have also effectively concentrated power in the hands of Mr. Ishihara and politicians who agree with him, like Hiroshi Yamada, the mayor of Suginami, a middle-class ward in Tokyo.
In his two terms as mayor, Mr. Yamada has succeeded in pushing schools to adopt conservative textbooks and has developed the new center to train teachers. He read a kamikaze pilot's will at an event for young adults, called World War II the "Greater East Asian War," a favorite term of the right, and, like Mr. Ishihara, called China "Shina," a derogatory term used during Japan's past occupation of the country.
Mr. Yamada declined to be interviewed for this article.
The ward's school board controls educational policies. But unlike American school boards, whose members are elected, board members in Japan are appointed by the municipal leader.
"The board of education is independent, officially," said Yunosuke Okura, 75, one of five board members in Suginami. "In reality, it's not like that."
"Implicitly and explicitly," Mr. Okura added, "the administration's intentions are carried out."
With new appointees sharing the mayor's vision, the board voted 3 to 2 last year to adopt a history textbook written by the nationalist Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform, which argues that postwar education has overemphasized Japan's past misdeeds and that today's youth need more patriotic education. Mr. Okura said the board considered it the best textbook, although mainstream historians say it glosses over Japan's militarist past and few boards nationwide have adopted it.
A group of citizens led by an opposition assemblywoman, Takeo Okuyama, have sued the ward, claiming that two teachers were pressured by their superiors into changing negative reviews of the textbook, and that one teacher's report was rewritten by the principal.
One of the teachers, Masashi Katayama, 57, said he believed that "the principal was feeling unspoken pressure" from the board and the mayor. The principal declined to be interviewed.
Schools in the ward began using the textbook in April. At the same time, the new teacher training center opened, guaranteeing its future graduates teaching jobs in the ward.
Takayasu Ide, the board superintendent, said the ward started the center to "nurture teachers by ourselves." But critics accuse the mayor and his allies of aiming to replace teachers like Mr. Katayama with the center's graduates. (Mr. Katayama was transferred to a school in another ward after telling the news media he had been pressured to change his textbook assessment.)
Critics of the proposed change in the education law say that if it is approved, politicians nationwide will be able to influence local education as Suginami's mayor does.
Those who support the revision say it will help restore a sense of public duty and tradition without promoting the kind of nationalist fervor that gripped prewar Japan.
But Hidenori Fujita, a professor of education at International Christian University here, said the revision still went too far by giving politicians nationwide the green light to assert control over educational policies. "If that happens," he said, "teachers and schoolchildren will be in trouble."
Dr.北村 ただ今診察中：第106話 エイズ感染爆発が現実のものに (毎日 2006/06/08)
Japan failing to wake up to the danger of AIDS
Did you know that the first week of June is designated as HIV Testing Week? I was invited to a commemorative event in Tokyo's Ikebukuro, but overall the entire week lacked spark.
On June 2, a U.N. special conference on AIDS ended with the adoption of a declaration that it would cost 2.57 trillion yen annually until 2010 -- double the current budget -- to combat the spread of HIV. As of the end of last year, there were about 38. 6 million HIV carriers throughout the world, prompting the UN to declare the disease had reached unprecedented levels of destruction. World leaders also unveiled a plan to double budgets used to fight AIDS, with the project targeting in particular AIDS education for young people, who account for half the new outbreaks of the disease, and trying to improve the position of women.
While the rest of the world may be well aware of the crisis being faced because of the explosive spread of AIDS, the same can't be said for Japan, where the relaxed attitude to the scourge causes me concern.
When an announcement came at the end of 2004 that the number of AIDS patients and HIV carriers in Japan had topped 10,000 there was a terrible hullabaloo. By April 28, 2006, the number of patients had risen to 11,251, according to the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare. In Tokyo alone, for example, there were a record 417 patients. AIDS is increasing in Tokyo at a rate of more than one case a day. I often wonder if I'm the only person who realizes what dangers we're facing. These figures aren't some sort of estimate -- they're the real thing. And in Japan, where the public is not supportive toward AIDS testing, it's not hard to imagine that there are many people who aren't even aware that they have been infected. If people aren't taking precautions, the disease could be spreading.
Based on a report by the Japanese Society for AIDS Research, Komagome Hospital, probably an institution at the forefront of Japan's fight against AIDS, found out that only 9.3 percent of HIV carriers learned from a public health facility or AIDS testing organization they had contracted the disease compared to the 75 percent who first learned through a medical facility. What this means is that many people have no idea they've contracted HIV until it develops into full-blown AIDS. It is said the AIDS virus is dormant for anywhere from a few years to about a decade; but without testing, people are missing out on the chance of early detection.
Despite the dire situation, Tokyo's budget for fighting AIDS has been halved over the past 10 years. And it's not just Tokyo. This is happening in local governments right across Japan. Everybody knows that the public sector is finding it hard financially. But, if preventative steps are taken, it could save the 100 million yen to 200 million yen that is required over a lifetime for each person who contracts the disease. If governments want to cut down on burgeoning health expenditures, rather than cutting budgets for preventative measures, they should be expanding them. Just like with policies aimed at combating the low childbirth rate, it seems the public sector is merely buying time instead of dealing with problems.
With Japan's health insurance system closed to young people who are afraid to use it in case their parents find out, early detection and early treatment of AIDS in Japan is impossible. Many AIDS cases are discovered when the patient is around 20, which means they contracted the virus in their mid-teens. While getting teens to change their behavior, we also need revolutionary changes in the awareness of youth sexuality from parents, schools and society at large. Then, there's the motto that everyone can follow for AIDS prevention -- for traveling overseas, a passport; for driving, a license; for sex, a condom. (By Dr. Kunio Kitamura, special to the Mainichi)
Японские геи и лесбиянки проявили солидарность с московским гей-прайдом
Письмо с осуждением гомофобии передано в консульство России в Осаке
Как уже писал проект GayRussia.Ru, сразу же после окончания первого московского гей-прайда по Европе прокатилась волна поддержки организаторов и участников этого события. Пикетирования российских дипломатических представительств состоялись в Берлине, Бонне, Мюнхене, Гамбурге, Париже, Эдинбурге и Софии. Но, как оказалось, протесты не ограничились лишь европейским континентом.
8 июня письмо протеста против нарушения прав представителей ЛГБТ в России было передано консулу Российской Федерации в японском городе Осака Александру Носкову. Он обещал передать данное письмо российскому правительству.
Письмо было передано от имени группы японских ЛГБТ-организаций: Tokyo Pride, Sapporo Rainbow March Committee и Gay Japan News, а также от имени первого открытого гомосексуального политика в Японии госпожи Канако Отсужи, которая лично доставила обращение в российское консульство и была официально принята консулом.
Ранее, 17 мая, японские ЛГБТ-активисты передали в российское посольство в Токио другое письмо, в котором просили снять запрет на проведение первого московского гей-парада. Эта акция стала одной из многих в рамках кампании против гомофобии в Японии.
Канако Отсужи, открыто заявившая о том, что является лесбиянкой, во время своего первого срока в качестве члена ассамблеи префектуры Осаки, выразила свою всестороннюю поддержку российским геям и лесбиянкам. Она, в частности, заявила: «японские представители ЛГБТ озабочены нарушением прав человека ЛГБТ-людей в стране, соседствующей с нами, и мы хотели бы поддержать наших российских друзей. Как и Россия, Япония является достаточно консервативной страной. Именно поэтому мы должны действовать, чтобы сделать себя более видимыми в обществе». Канако Отсужи подчеркнула, что будет добиваться поддержки московского гей-парада в Японии во время предстоящих этим летом гей-парадов в Токио и Саппоро.
Japanese LGBT activists stand up for Human Rights of Russian LGBT
"We want to support our Russian friends" said Kanako Otsuji, an open elected Lesbian politician
On 8th of June, a letter of protest against the human rights violation of LGBT people in Russia was handed in to Mr. Alexander Noskov, a consul of Russian Federation in Osaka, Japan. Mr. Noskov promisted to pass the letter to the government in Russia.
The letter was from a group of LGBT organizations, Tokyo Pride, Sapporo Rainbow March Comittee, and Gay Japan News, and the first openly gay politician in Japan, Kanako Otsuji, who herself brought a letter to the Russian consulate in Osaka and had an audience with the consul.
On 17th of May, they also submitted a letter asking the lifting of the ban on Moscow Pride to the ambassador of Russia in Tokyo as a part of campaign against homophobia in Japan.
Kanako Otsuji, who came out as lesbian in her first term as a member of Osaka prefectural assembly, expresses her strong support."Japanese LGBT people are concerned with the violation of human rights of LGBT people in the country which is next to us, and we would like to support our Russian friends. Like Russia, Japan is quite conservative. That is why we need action which makes us more visible in society.
I would raise the issue of Moscow Parade and ask the pride participants and supporters in Japan for support, at Tokyo Pride Parade and Sapporo Rainbow March which are to be held this summer".
Yukiko Hosomi, IDAHO Japan
山本 彰 (著)
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